NEWARK
On 21
July 1841 the Paterson Intelligencer made the following proud commentary
on the effect of the Washington temperance reform, which was then
in its triumphant first flush in Paterson (30): "We question
whether there is now a town in the state which can boast of a more
sober, quiet and industrious population than our own. Nearly all who
but a short time since spent most of their time in idleness about
taverns and other places of resort, have become steady industrious
citizens, and are busily employed in their daily vocations, while
their families, who formerly suffered for the want of the necessaries
of life, are now made comfortable and happy." Paterson was a
rapidly growing industrial town, and this was a frank statement of
the values of its dominant manufacturing and merchant class of this
period. These were also values of the temperance-prohibitionists,
who used the Washingtonian phenomenon for their own purposes.
This
statement of civic pride implied that Paterson was the moral leader
of the State, that it was ahead of Newark. This contrast to Newark
was made explicit by the editor, who went on to say that "In
Newark the subject of Temperance has been permitted to sleep, until
within a week or two back, when a deputation from New York held a
meeting in one of the churches in the city, at which one hundred and
sixty attached their names to the pledge." On 12 July 1841, A
Washingtonian Temperance Benevolent Society was founded with 119 members.
While
the Washingtonian missionaries came to Newark about 2 months later
than to Paterson, the editor of the Newark Daily Advertiser, who was
also a "friend of temperance," was already mobilizing his
readers for the temperance reform. And, while he gave little attention
to it during the Washingtonian period, the editor was prepared to
accept the fact that the substantial Catholic Total Abstinence Movement,
which was also growing during that period, was another valid approach
to temperance. For the period, this was surprisingly broad-minded,
but a perusal of the Journal of the American Temperance Union in the
early 1840s will show that the temperance-prohibitionist leadership
highly esteemed and fully reported the work of Father Theobald Matthew
in Ireland, England and (later) in the United States. "I had
heard much during the week of the triumphs of the Temperance cause,
or rather total abstinence, among the people who "worship"
at an unnamed local Roman Catholic Church, he wrote (31). "I
confess that owing either to my Protestant prejudices or some other
cause, I previously felt misgivings as to any permanent good likely
to result from the pushing of the multitude under what I supposed
a mere temporary excitement to 'take the pledge.' But the scene I
there witnessed entirely dissipated all my fears ... The clergyman
officiating ... preached of Temperance and Righteousness, and Judgments
to come. I have heard many temperance addresses, but none I think
that could exceed the impressive, fervid, and thrillingly eloquent
appeals to his auditory, in the strength of God, to fly the destroying
angel - Intemperance. 11 He continued, "The effect was powerful.
Upon countenances could be traced sore indications of judgments convinced;
and the calm and deliberate manner in which they surrounded the alter,
and there solemnly pledged themselves to Total Abstinence from all
that intoxicates, gave pleasing proof of the deep and sincere convictions
that they would be kept faithful to their high resolve..."
That
there are few if any reports in the Newark Daily Advertiser in subsequent
years, given the fact that the editor had abandoned his prejudices
with respect to Catholics (in this respect, in any case), suggests
that local parish priests did not seek publicity. Perhaps the rising
controversy over public education, religious education, Catholic education
and the use of public funds soured the situation. In any case, the
editor had come around to the view that taking pledges of total abstinence
was perhaps not as useless as he had believed and he was, therefore,
prepared to receive the Washingtonians in a positive manner. There
is good reason to believe that he was aware of the Washingtonians
by mid-May, for on 12 May there was a report about the meeting of
the American Temperance Union which was held in Newark that year (32).
Theodore Frelinghuysen, lawyer, former U.S. senator, chancellor of
the University of New York, soon to be nominated for vice president
of the American Temperance Union, gave the major speech. In it, Frelinghuysen
not only mentioned the total abstinence movement in Ireland and in
Europe, but the "strong, and in good degree, successful efforts
of the drunkards themselves in various cities of the U. States to
emancipate themselves of intemperance." He also reported that
15,000 drunkards had been reformed in the country within the last
6 months - probably an exaggeration.
The following
week there was a favourable review of a pamphlet by Dr. David Reese
entitled "Plea for the Intemperate," which argued that intemperance
is a disease" and that the subject should be treated, not harshly,
but medically and with great kindness" (33). (This was not an
uncommon medical view during the period.) The reviewer went on to
say that "Mr. Hawkins confirms this view of the matter in his
effective practical addresses, and in the plea of Dr. Reese we find
a medical man of large experience sustaining the same position, and
arguing the question like a man of sense as well as a physician."
The reviewer also remarked on the number "reclaimed" in
Baltimore, New York, Boston and "cities farther east" due
to the efforts of drunkards, along with "friends of the cause,"
who were encouraged "to extend an encouraging voice and benevolent
hand to the reclaimed." He contrasted this with the past when
drunkards were simply given up as lost. "Now they are becoming
not only temperate, but the preachers and ministering agents of the
cause." On 5 June 1941 reports from the Baltimore Transcript
summarized in the Newark Daily Advertiser (34) noted that "no
idea can be formed of the enthusiasm which pervades that city on the
subject of Temperance. It is the all-pervading topic, and the moral
revolution which has been effected mainly by the drunkards themselves,
is almost past belief."
So it
came as no surprise to the readers of the paper when it was announced
that there would be a meeting to promote the temperance cause on Friday
evening, 9 July 1841, in the Free (Second) Presbyterian Church, and
that a delegation of reformed drunkards from the Washington Temperance
Benevolent Society of New York would attend: "Friends of Temperance
and persons addicted to drinking habits and the drunkard, dealers
and vendors of liquor, are respectfully invited to attend" (35).
The New
York Washingtonians continued to have a close relationship with the
Washington Temperance Benevolent Society of Newark after it was formed
on 12 July 1841; speakers from New York frequently came to Newark.
Wright, Pollard and Hawkins of the Baltimore society also visited
Newark when they were in New York. When the Newark society called
a convention of Washington temperance societies for 17 September 1841,
speakers from Paterson, New York and Brooklyn came; the Newark society
reciprocated when it attended en masse a Washingtonian convention
in New York City on 13 October 1841. When the Newark society dedicated
its own hall on 9 December 1841, a speaker from the New York City
society was among those who addressed the meeting. When a banner was
presented to the North Ward Washingtonians on 28 July 1842, the presentation
speech was made by Dr. Reese of New York and the acceptance speech
for the Washingtonians of Newark was made by Reverend E. Cheever,
of Newark, who was Secretary of the Essex County Temperance Society
and pastor of the Free (or second) Presbyterian Church.
Information
about the Newark Washington Temperance Benevolent Society and its
auxiliaries is Sketchy and sporadically available because there evidently
was an editorial policy against reporting the activities of local
groups. There seemed to be such a policy in Paterson also, but the
owners apparently contributed space in the announcement section and
also published an occasional article of interest; the Newark Daily
Advertiser was less generous. What we have then, are bits and pieces
that are suggestive but often not definitive.
Available
evidence suggests that the Newark Washingtonians quickly evidenced
the same kind of organizational activity that developed elsewhere.
We have substantial information on the Martha Washington Temperance
Union which was formed on 14 August 1841. In addition to an address
by a missionary from the Baltimore society, speeches and prayers were
offered by the minister of the Newark Mariners' Bethel, Reverend Pilch,
and the minister of the First Presbyterian Church, Reverend Ansel
D. Eddy. From the very beginning, the society had close ties to the
churches; the board of managers was composed of members of 11 different
churches. This was done, said the report of the meeting (36), in order
to be "empathically a UNION of all classes and denominations
throughout the city. Its object is two-fold. By pledging its members
to abstain from using, as a beverage, aught that can intoxicate, it
gives the weight of its example; by procuring and making up clothing
for the families of reformed inebriates, it extends to them the hand
of sympathy and encouragement. 'In union is strength.' The Board respectfully
invite the cooperation of every lady in this city who has a heart
to pity or hand to relieve. 11 Plans were also made for the organization
of a Junior Martha Washington Society. In the first quarter-year of
activity, the Martha Washington Temperance Union had completed 89
articles of clothing, including 6 bed quilts; in addition, 70 articles
had been repaired, 80 garments had been given out and 106 had been
handed over to the president of the Washington temperance society
for distribution. The society had gotten 156 persons to sign their
pledge and, with an income of about $56.81, had paid out about $37.17.
Clearly their money-raising efforts had been more successful than
those in Paterson. By the time the second annual report was made in
1843, there were 4 women's temperance societies in the City of Newark
- The Martha Washington Temperance Union, the Junior Martha Washington
Society, the Lady Warren and the Relief. In the past year, the Martha
Washington Union had assisted 44 families, made 160 garments and repaired
107; 375 items had been distributed by the members and 108 had been
presented to the president of the men's group for distribution among
needy men. The union had received about $51.87 and disbursed about
$52.62, so that there was now a slight deficit. (Later reports seem
not to be available.)
Another
sign of organizational vitality was the participation of the Newark
society in a convention of delegates from all Washington Temperance
Benevolent societies in Essex County that was originally scheduled
to be held on 25 December 1841. Since there was an Essex County temperance-prohibition
meeting on 22 December, this suggests that the two groups had little
to do with each other and perhaps were in competition. The selection
of Christmas Day for the meeting can be considered nothing less than
a flouting of the religious proprieties of the period, and it is little
wonder that the convention actually took place on 25 January 1842.
There were 54 delegates from societies in Newark, Elizabeth, Springfield,
North Belleville, Westfield, Orange, Union, Belleville and West Bloomfield.
An Essex County Washington Temperance Benevolent Society was formed,
with Abner Campbell of Newark, a manufacturer of looking glass (mirrors),
as interim president, Wickliffe Woodruff, also of Newark, a coach
smith, was one of the interim secretaries of the county society. The
Reverend Mr. Pilch, pastor of the Newark Mariners I Bethel, addressed
the group. When the Essex County group met again in February, one
of the Newark leaders, J.P. Joralemon (locksmith), was on the nominating
committee, and Jacob Johnson (coffee and spice dealer), also of Newark,
was elected corresponding secretary of the Essex County society.
Interest
in Washingtonianism continued unabated in 1842. A "great temperance
meeting" was held on 2 February in the Third Presbyterian Church.
"No falling off - no lack of interest was perceptible on this
occasion - the work goes bravely on. A more crowded house has seldom
been convened on any occasion. The addresses were listened to with
deep interest, and the intelligence of the progress of the good cause
in other places was hailed with thrilling delight. At the close of
the meeting great numbers of both sexes, who had hitherto kept aloof,
gave their names to the pledge. There were also some pretty hard customers
came up to the scratch. Indeed the influence is like a mighty current
- it carries every thing before it" (37). It seems reasonable
to conclude that while some of those who signed the pledge were drunkards,
a substantial proportion of the signers were moderate-to-light drinkers
or were already total abstainers.
By Independence
Day, 1842 there were three Washingtonian societies in Newark; in addition
to the original (or "parent" society) there was also a North
Ward society and a Bethel society. The three societies agreed to plan
a celebration based on temperance principles. The planning committee
included John P. Joralemon (locksmith), Joseph Burr (painter and glazier),
John C. Howell (shoe manufacturer), William B. Donninqton (grocer),
Isaac Dennison (car man) and Abner C. Campbell (looking-glass manufacturer)
from the parent society, John Rutan (blacksmith), John Scofield (caster)
and William Smith (blacksmith and hatter) from the North Ward society,
and Garret Ketcham (shoemaker) and Benjamin N. Van Sickell (blacksmith)
from the Bethel society. There were, then, a few middle-class persons
in this group which was made up mostly of artisans. A conflict between
the Washingtonian committee and the self-appointed General Community
Committee immediately arose. Three Washingtonian representatives J.P.
Joralemon, W.B. Donnington and William L. Meeker (carpenter) met with
the General Community Committee, and a compromise was finally reached
in a controversy viewed as unseemly by some elements of the population;
the compromise was for everyone to march in the same procession and
for the two elements of the parade then to go to different churches
for the balance of the ceremonies. The nontemperance orator was Senator
William L. Dayton; on the Washingtonian side, Thomas M. Woodruff,
of New York, gave the oration. "The oration was pronounced with
great propr3ety, deliberation, and force, and a better address it
has seldom or never been my lot to listen to," wrote the editor
of the Newark Daily Advertiser. "The allusions to former and
even present habits - the practice of drinking and enticing others,
were kind but perfectly withering to the guilty" (38). In another
comment on the celebration, it was noted that there was "less
vice and fewer cases of injury... than on previous anniversaries.
There was certainly less drunkenness - a gratifying proof of the progress
of the Temperance enterprise"(38).
The Independence
Day celebration was shortly followed by a "Grand Temperance Celebration"
of the first anniversary of the Washington Temperance Benevolent Societies
in Newark on 12 July. Again there were quite a few delegates from
New York, and the main speaker was Joseph Perry (school teacher and
antislavery activist in Paterson). The evening concert in the Free
(Second Presbyterian Church was given by members of Hose Company No.
33 of New York City. We also have a report of a series of meetings
for the promotion of "Humanity and Temperance" held in Newark
late in November of 1842. Again there were speeches by representatives
from New York City as well as by F.L. Beers, the local Washingtonian
who apparently was regarded as particularly effective. The Liberty
Fire Engine Company No. I appeared in uniform, several members of
Relief Fire Company No.2 signed the pledge, and there was a brass
band recital. As a result an additional 24 constitutional members
and 55 pledged members joined.
So 1842
in Newark must be considered a highly successful year for the Washingtonians.
The Fifth Annual Report of the Essex County Temperance Society, the
principal agency of the temperance-prohibitionists in the Newark area,
noted that "No year of our history has ever been so propitious
for this cause as the last. Every thing which has been attempted has
been successful and secured to the cause new advantages. The movements
of the Army of Washington men have been steady, and they are now gaining
ground. Tis true, like the Army of the Father of his country as it
marched across our soil, there may have been a few unhappy occurrences.
But it would have required a miracle to have prevented them. And it
is almost a miracle that there have been so few desertions and mutinies.
Upon this Army very much (under the guardianship of Heaven) may yet
depend"(39). The report then goes on to say that public sentiment
is now stronger against making, vending or using intoxicating beverages
and that the public is now beginning to treat such making, vending
or using as an immoral act. It states, too, that a proposal had been
made to prohibit the sale of "strong drink" in public houses
on Sunday, but that a favourable report was not expected out of committee
this year. The executive committee of the Essex County Temperance
Society also reported that the county had been divided into districts
with a committee assigned to each. "The object of this movement
has been to collect more accurate accounts of the condition of this
enterprise, and to convince the members of the Washington societies
everywhere, that we are seeking their benefit and success, and as
their prosperity did from the beginning depend upon the strong healthful
pulse which beat in the public body, so their future prosperity will
depend upon the aid and control of the intelligent in the old ranks.
We can help one another. And no class can injure either of us, as
we can ourselves." The report cautioned that "No youth or
reformed man is safe if he withhold his foot from...the benign influence
of religion... Let it be the controlling power and we have nothing
to fear. Omit or despite this, and we have every thing to fear, even
from our success. This is the cause of humanity, of morals, of common
safety, of our country, of the world, and of God." This statement
cannot be called conspiratorial because it was presented to the public,
but it does lay out the claims to dominance and leadership of the
temperance-prohibitionists, the middle-class respectables, especially
the ministers, who were the most influential element of the Essex
County Temperance Society. It also makes it clear that the temperance-prohibitionists
had organized throughout the country to develop more effective controls
over the Washingtonian societies. That the temperance-prohibitionists
were now rejuvenated and were looking forward beyond the Washingtonians
to the future id further evidenced by the call in January from the
executive committee of the state temperance society to form juvenile
temperance societies in the public schools to supplement the existing
plans and activities in the Sunday schools. The temperance-prohibitionists
clearly sought to capture the entire younger generation, a project
that would occupy them in one way or another for many years to come.
But if
1842 was a triumphant year for the Washingtonians, 1843 gave evidence
that the perfervid atmosphere had begun to cool. The New Jersey Eagle
commented on the fact that the Washington's Birthday celebration had
been widely observed but "by more simple methods, better corresponding
with the times on which we have fallen"(40). The Independence
Day celebration in 1843 was not disrupted by the insistence on a temperance
emphasis; the community group had it all to themselves. However, the
Washingtonians held a very well-received celebration of their anniversary
on 13 July. The planning committee included among others Hiram McCormick
(shoemaker(, Jacob May (hatter), Caleb Thayer (painter), Thomas Corey
(coach lace maker), Joseph Burr (painter and glazier), J.P. Joralemon
(locksmith), David G. Doremus (grocer), John H. Landell (rigger),
Jacob Johnson (coffee and spice dealer), James B. Hay (foundry operator),
Wickliffe Woodruff (coach smith) and James Cox (book and job printer).
While artisans predominated, some middle class persons were also involved
in planning the program, especially in raising funds for the event.
Among the groups participating in the celebration were Fire Engine
Company No. 1, the Lafayette Guards, the clergy of the city and the
members of the Essex County Juvenile Temperance Band, who attended
at the request of their chief director, Reverend Ebenezer Cheever,
despite the fact that his chief aids publicly advised against it because,
they said, it was too hot for the children. The children were mainly
from Bloomfield, Orange and Newark. The oration was by the Honorable
Aaron Clark, ex-mayor of New York City.
The fraternal
ties of the Newark Washingtonians with nearby groups continued. Thus,
when the Bloomfield Washington Temperance Society celebrated its first
anniversary on 22 August 1843, the various Newark societies were represented
and George Dunn of Newark (railing and dash manufacturer) read the
Drunkards Declaration of Independence. The principal speaker was the
Honorable William Halstead, ex-congressman from New Jersey, who took
a forthright stand for legal prohibition of alcohol sales on Sundays.
But these
brave celebrations could not obscure the fact that a decline had set
in. In September, the Newark Washington Temperance Benevolent Society
made the following announcement (41): "TO THE PUBLIC: The glaring
increase of intemperance within the last few months makes it imperative
that the friends of temperance, more particularly the Washingtonians,
should do all in their power to eradicate the growing evil. Grog shops
are multiplying in all parts of the city, and drunkards and drunkenness
increase in the same ratio. And unless something be done to check
its onward march, the same dreadfully heart-rendering scenes which
formerly disgraced our city must again be witnessed among us,"
it warned. "This being the case, it becomes the friends of Temperance
to be energetic in their efforts to destroy the pestiferous influence
of the already annihilated millions of the human family. In order
to accomplish this object, the members of the Washington Temperance
Benevolent Society at their last meeting, came to the determination
to hold a public meeting on Friday evening next, Sept. 15th..."
At that meeting a speaker from Jersey City "made some excellent
remarks, in which he attributed the ill success of Washingtonianism
to an apathetic feeling on the part of Temperance men. He said that
the best way to bring grog sellers to their senses, when moral persuasion
fails, is to apply the strong arm of the law; this method had been
adopted in Jersey City, and had received the sanction of all right
minded men. He advised the Washingtonians of Newark to pursue a similar
plan" (42). A resolution was then passed stating that the City
council should deny licenses for the sale of intoxicating liquors.
A second resolution was passed that called for visiting all persons
selling alcohol and trying to persuade them to abandon its sale. Some
of the members of the committees of visitation were William T. Meeker
(shoemaker), H.T. McCormick (shoemaker), Charles Prout (coach maker),
James B. Hay (foundry operator), John C. Howell (shoe manufacturer),
William Backus (tin ware and stove dealer), Abner Campbell (looking-glass
manufacturer), David Pierson (coach lace weaver), John P. Joralemon
(locksmith), Jacob Johnson (coffee and spice dealer), and the Reverend
Mr. Warren. Another large public meeting was held in November 1843
at which the principal speaker was the Honorable George S. Catlin,
member of congress from Connecticut, a reformed man and a Washingtonian.
He attacked, among other things, "Rum drinking and rum drinkers
of every grade from the fashionable wine drinker to the degraded gutter-drunkard;
and proved that the former although now perhaps boasting of his ability
to take care of himself, was on the downward road, and would ere long,
unless he changed his vicious course, sink to the miserable condition
of the latter"(43). He also attacked rum sellers: "Avarice,"
he said, "drove men to offer to their fellows, this liquid damnation,
though they Knew at the same time that they were carrying ruin and
death to their neighbour's dwellings." Catlin then went on to
say that "it was the duty of all to endeavor to roll back the
tide of intemperance and make our country what in truth she professed
to be the "land of the free, and the home of the brave'; then
might we enjoy all those blessings and comforts which it was man's
inherent right to enjoy, unalloyed, and should become a happy, benevolent
and prosperous people." This was typical Washingtonian fare,
for the most part. But then a circular which included an appeal to
the legislature to forbid the sale of intoxicating liquors on Sunday
was read by Jacob May from the executive committee of the Temperance
Society of the Sate of New Jersey. James Cox (book and job printer),
corresponding secretary of the Newark Washingtonians commented that
"The memorial is a well written document, and cannot fail to
convince those who are willing to be convinced of the enormity of
trafficking in ardent spirits at any time, and more particularly on
the Sabbath!" It is clear from the records of these meetings
that the Newark Washingtonians, while still committed in some measure
to a moral suasion approach, had also begun to subscribe to the legal
suasion stance of the temperance-prohibitionists.
By October
1843 signs began to appear that the Washington Temperance Benevolent
Society of Newark was having difficulties. The recording secretary,
John H. Landell (rigger), complained that the committee appointed
to visit the various parts of the city in an effort both to persuade
and to collect statistics had been negligent, though another committee
had gathered the information anyway. Landell voiced his complaint
in strong language: "I will here state that the progress of the
Society is somewhat dampened by some of our members, who, not content
with being idlers themselves, seem to delight in finding fault with
every one who refuses to be as idle, and is well-known that there
is an immense deal of labor necessary to the success of an association
of this kind, and where this labor falls upon a few, as is often the
case, they must neglect other duties or let the Society suffer; therefore
idlers should not find fault"(44). He added, "There is yet
another subject which I wish to direct your attention to. It appears
there is yet a disposition shown by a great number of our constitutional
members not to pay their regular monthly dues, which are the main
support of the Society, and now that the inclement season is approaching,
it is their especial duty to be more punctual. There is yet a great
number of poor inebriates to be looked after, and perhaps many of
our own members may need assistance, and if the regular dues are paid
we will be able to meet any emergency..." Landell continued,
"The operations of this Society are confined to the reformation
of the drunkard, and as far as its influence has extended, it has
answered the purpose intended." Apparently, he believed that
members had kept the pledge even though they had not been attending
the business meetings. His remarks make clear that certain classical
organizational problems had begun to emerge - failure of members to
pay their dues, failure of members to attend the meetings, failure
of committees to complete their assigned tasks, a perception by those
who continued to be active in the organization that other less active
members were carping and criticizing and not "pulling their weight."
Landell was one of those who was still committed to the original Washingtonian
concern for drunkards rather than to the emergent interest in governmental
intervention.
Landell
complained again about lack of membership activity in his next quarterly
report in January 1844 (45): "It appears that many who were most
active in our meeting but a short time since have now lost all their
activity and are generally the first to complain of the Society's
proceedings." He went on to say that "there appears to be
a retrograde movement with some of our pledged members who, I am sorry
to say, have broken the pledge, and again sunk into their old habits.
I would urge upon all the members to take the old path, and visit
such as have been unfortunate." Finally, Landell commented that
"There is, Sir, another evil to which I wish to direct your attention:
that is, to the low, disgusting, Jim-along-Josey songs, which are
occasionally sung at our public meetings, to the no small annoyance
of the respectable part of the audience," calling attention to
the fact that some of the members of the society were repelled by
the lack of respectability of the behavior of the rest. (There is
little doubt that the "Jim-along-Josey" songs came out of
the popular drinking culture of the day.)
We have
a few useful membership statistics for this period. The Newark society
distinguished between persons who merely signed the pledge and those
who signed the society's constitution and committed themselves to
paying dues. Landell (45) struck out at the constitutional members
for not fulfilling their obligation to participate and at the pledged
members for their tendency to "backslide" into drinking.
There 3657 pledged male and female members of the Newark Washingtonian
Society in mid-October 1843 and 3849 pledged members in mid-January
1844 - a growth of 192 persons. There were 356 constitutional members
in mid-October 1843 and 366 constitutional members in mid-January
1844, a growth of 10. Statistics on the Washingtonian conversion of
drunkards, however, must be regarded as grossly exaggerated and should
be viewed in part as propaganda tools; in societies that did not differentiate
between pledged and constitutional members probably about 10 could
be regarded as constitutional members and not all these were ex-drunkards
or heavy drinkers.
It seems
likely that some of the failure in participation by the members may
have been due to the fact that temperance fraternal orders had become
organized in Newark. In July 1843 the Independent Order of Rechabites
announced the existence of a chapter in Newark and invited participation
by all those of "good moral character" between the ages
of 18 and 50. The Rechabites were a beneficial as well as a benevolent
society. "The benefits accruing to persons who belong to this
order are not confined to sickness - they are more extensive. If a
brother be unfortunate, and at the same time deserving, his necessities
will be relieved; and if he come from a distance, or be traveling,
like assistance is afforded him should he need it"(46). The order
was open to total abstainers only. The notice was signed by Abner
Campbell and James Cox, both of whom had been active in the Newark
Washingtonians.
The Sons
of Temperance had also been active among the Newark Washingtonians.
The sons of Temperance had begun to organize in September 1842 in
New York City, and in November, 20 persons from Newark joined the
New York Division Number 1 on the understanding that as soon as feasible
they would organize Division Number 1 of New Jersey. The final organizational
meeting of the Sons of Temperance took place in New York City on 10
December 1842, and at that meeting the charter of Newark Division
Number 1 of New Jersey was confirmed. The Sons of Temperance was formed
expressly to recruit Washingtonians, and so there can be little doubt
that most, if not all, of its early Newark members were Washingtonians.
Among those I have been able to identify were James Cox, William L.
Meeker (carpenter), William B. Donnington (grocer) and James B. Hay
(foundry operator). The Sons of Temperance, a beneficial and fraternal
society which required total abstinence of its members, quickly became
a much larger order than the Rethabites. One of the appeals of the
Sons of Temperance undoubtedly was the fact that at the local or division
level, new officers were elected every 3 months, giving everyone an
opportunity to participate. By 21 November 1843, when Newark Division
Number 1 of New Jersey celebrated its first anniversary, it had 90
members. Though there can be little doubt that the fraternal orders
absorbed the energies of many members of the Newark Washington society,
some persons were active in several organizations. James Cox, for
instance, was active in the leadership of the Washingtonians, the
Sons of Temperance and the Independent Order of Rechabites.
By then
end of the year, the Washingtonians of Newark were clearly on a downward
slide. In addition to the dynamics of membership participation and
the diversion of members into fraternal orders, there was also a theory
offered by the temperance-prohibitionists to account for this decline.
The Sixth Annual Report of the Essex County Temperance Society (47)
commented that "The movement of the Washington Associations are
less active than last year. Those among them, who from the beginning
were opposed to religious addresses being made in their meetings,
begin sadly to experience the unhappy effects of such opposition,
and the friends of Religion and Temperance are more than ever convinced
that we have no perfect security for a reformed or pledged man, or
youth, but in deep implantations of religious principles." While
cast in terms of religious belief, the temperance-prohibitionist clergymen
argued that only if the Washingtonians provided the temperance-prohibitionist
leadership easy access to their meetings could drunkard reform be
successful. But we know that the temperance-prohibitionist leadership
advocated not only religious faith (and the Protestant variety, at
that), but also political policies which were directly at variance
with the original Washingtonian principles of strict moral suasion.
The downward
slide of the Newark Washingtonians was hastened by an internal power
struggle (48-51). The immediate focus of attention was on accusations
that Joseph Burr, then president of the society, had abused his position
and either taken advantage of or absconded with some of the money
of the young ladies, of the Lady Warren Society which was engaged
in a fund-raising project for the Washingtonians. There was a nasty
charge that Burr had manipulates the situation so that the money was
to be given to him "as a token of appreciation for his work as
president of the Washington Temperance Benevolent Society" rather
than dedicated to charitable purposes as advertised. Burr attested
that both charges were incorrect. At the next meeting of the Washingtonians
in February 1844, despite objections, Burr was again declared president.
Whereupon the following members offered their resignations as officers
of the society: C. Thayer (painter), Jacob May (hatter), Hiram McCormick
(shoemaker) and J.H. Landell (rigger). The faction also included Thomas
Corey (coach lace weaver), J.R. Jilson (hatter), James Cox, J.P. Joralemon,
Reverend James Gallagher (pastor, Universalist Church), David Pierson
(coach lace maker) and F.L. Rogers (printer). Apparently in anger,
Burr then resigned and new officers were elected. These included Angus
Campbell, D.G.
Doremus,
W.H. Backus (tin dealer), John C. Howell (shoe manufacturer, Nelson
Prout (coach maker), Philo Sample (harness maker), Henry Force (saddler)
and John Roff (shoemaker). Campbell was an opposition sympathizer
but did not yet play his hand. On 25 April there was a rump meeting
of the dissident faction at the house of Caleb Thayer, at which a
resolution was passed. "That the members of the Washington T.B.
Society proceed to the Temperance Hall (formerly occupied by them)
tomorrow evening and reassert their rights, and henceforth endeavor,
by all honorable means, to re-establish the society on a pure "Washingtonian
basis"(52). The next night the group proceeded to the hall where
Campbell took the chair and called the meeting to order; then there
was a resolution that the proper officers of the society take their
seats, whereupon Campbell stepped down and Caleb Thayer took the chair
as first vice president, there being at the moment no person whom
the Washingtonian strict constructionists recognized. John P. Joralemon
was then elected president of the society. In their published statement
(signed by James Cox, David Pierson, F.L. Rogers and J.H. Landell)
the group summed their grievances as follows (52):
"It
is unnecessary to recur to the causes which have been the means of
impeding the progress of the Washingtonian reform, as they are too
well known to need repetition here. Suffice it to say that the Washingtonians,
who formerly carried on the work, were unceremoniously driven from
their hall by overpowering numbers, by men who seldom or never lent
them their aid, and whose views in reference to the true Washingtonian
spirit were in direct opposition to their own. The Washingtonians
left the society entirely free from debt, and also with a surplus
of 30 or 40 dollars in the treasury. They gave their opponents a fair
chance to try the experiment, that the public might be enabled to
see how the thing would work in their hands; and the result has been
(as we knew it would be) an entire failure. They have left the society
in debt and in a measure broken up. Consequently, at the earnest solicitations
of the friends of Temperance, (and more particularly of the ladies)
the Washingtonians have determined to rally in their strength; and
they do so with the conscientious belief that the Glorious Cause which
they advocate cannot possibly prosper in any other hands; and also
with a full knowledge that the public will not give their countenance
and support to any fictitious abortion which may raise its head under
the honored garb of Temperance. Relying then, on the benevolence of
the public, together with their own exertions, they have, as will
be seen by the above proceedings, come to the determination of pushing
forward the work to perfection. It is time something was done, for
during the late season of inactivity, drunkenness has been alarmingly
on the increase, and many who might have been saved by timely assistance,
have probably sunk so low in degradation that it will need desperate
effort to redeem them."
For all
practical purposes, the activities of January through April 1844 were
the signal for the abandonment of the Washingtonians as a significant
force in Newark. The notice of the May meeting, signed by James Cox,
does not mention the name of the society (it is incorrectly referred
to as the "annual meeting"); the third anniversary celebration
in July was apparently conducted with its usual procession and oratory,
but it must have been a hollow shell - the society simply dropped
from sight and there are no further reports of it.
Meanwhile,
we have some evidence that the Washingtonians had been bypassed. In
the spring of 1844 a general temperance meeting was announced (53)
at which there would be a lecture displaying Dr. Sewall's plates,
drawings much used by the temperance-prohibitionists showing the effects
of alcohol on the internal organs of the body. The sponsors of the
lecture included the following: E. Cheever, A.D. Eddy, John S. Porter
)pastor, Reformed Church), William R. Weeks (pastor, Fourth Presbyterian
Church), William Bradley (pastor, Central Presbyterian Church), H.H.
Brinsmade (pastor, Third Presbyterian Church), James Scott (pastor,
Reformed Church), William Roberts (builder), Lyndon Smith (physician),
Asa Whitehead (attorney and counselor), Fred T. Frelinghuysen (attorney
and counselor-nephew and adopted son of Theodore Frelinghuysen), William
B. Kinney (editor, Daily Advertiser), William Penrrington (Governor
of the State of New Jersey), Silas Condit (president of a local bank)
and the Honorable Joseph C. Hornblower (Chief Justice of New Jersey).
Clearly, the temperance-prohibitionists respectables were pushing
ahead with their own program and no longer needed the Washingtonians;
the disappearance of occasional mention of the society may be specifically
related to the fact that the editor of one of Newark's principal papers
at the time was a temperance-prohibitionist.
Finally,
we have one last sign that the Washingtonians had lost their ability
to influence events in Newark. On 4 June 1844 a temporary planning
committee was announced for the upcoming Independence Day celebration.
For the first time that decade, the names of the committee members
were appended-presumably to demonstrate that it had the overwhelming
support of the citizenry and perhaps as a kind of defiant statement
directed to the temperance-prohibitionists. (The planning meeting
was held in Stewart's saloon.) As the following list of committee
members, representing 20 of the total, makes clear, the opposition
included a goodly number of the middle-class persons as well as some
artisans: James Miller (carpenter), D.P. Woodruff (clerk), E.T. Hillyer
(attorney and counselor), Stephen G. Sturges (slater), O.S. Boyden
(machinist), E.G. Faitout (grocer), Robert Trippe (druggist), Joel
W. Condit (grocer), Horace E. Baldwin (jeweller), Ira Merchant (sash
and blind), Isaac Baldwin (builder, Ebenezer Francis (currier), Charles
Spinning (carpenter), John C. Little (merchant tailor, Stephen Conger
(physician), Henry Duryea (hatter), A.0. Boylan (attorney-at-law),
Stephen K. Ford (coal dealer), Theodore S. Jacobs (clerk), William
A Baldwin (sheriff), Charles T. Day (clothier), Edwin Ross (baker),
Timothy B. Crowell (editor, New Jersey Eagle), James Tucker (currier),
Alexander Dougherty (leather), Stephen G. Crowell (dry goods), William
S. Pennington (attorney-at-law, not the Governor), and David D. Dodd
(cap manufacturer). (It seems likely that the sides taken by the editors
of the two newspapers reflect their politics - the Daily Advertiser
was a Whig paper and the Eagle was probably a Democratic paper. )
Thus, some respectable citizens opposed the temperance-prohibitionists
in this matter; whether the basic difference between the two sets
of antagonists is interpretable in terms of "status politics"
as Gusfield (54) and Donald (55) argue is beyond the scope of this
paper.
